Teil eines Buches,

From Democratic Peace to Kantian Peace: Democracy and Conflict in the International System

, und .
Seite 93--128. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, (2000)

Zusammenfassung

We begin from the basic empirical observation that democracies very rarely--if at all--make war on each other. Understood as a strong probabilistic observation rather than an absolute 'law,' the finding is now generally though not universally accepted. Also now generally accepted is the corollary that pairs of democracies are much less likely than other pairs of states to fight or threaten each other even at low levels of coercive violence. We do not, however, review yet again what is now a fairly stale debate over the existence of the democratic peace, nor do we attempt a complete review of all the work on the basic empirical finding that democracies very rarely fight each other. Rather, this chapter is a progress report on extensions of the democratic peace proposition, concentrating on the more recent contributions. We embed them in an elaboration of theory in order to extend it as a 'progressive' research project (Lakatos 1978) that exhibits integrative cumulation. Deductive logic produces a range of auxiliary puzzles or hypotheses that, in empirical investigation, can lead to findings not anticipated in the original formulation. We begin by discussing monadic, based on analyses that were developed only after scholars had begun to investigate theoretical explanations of the dyadic democratic peace. Subsequently, we merge dyadic and monadic analyses well as synthesize cultural and structural theoretical explanations, in our attention to models of strategic decision making for understanding the democratic peace. These decision-making models are also useful, and different, in their attention to two-level games and an agent-structure framework. We not only bring together various strands of evidence (as do several of the other review articles) but also respecify pieces of this literature in terms either of new independent variables or of similar liberal propositions. Finally, we explicitly put the democratic peace within a broader theoretical perspective, one that includes integration, community, legitimacy, and a special 'liberal' relationship between governments and societies.

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